A group in Clearbrook, Virginia, has formed under the name “Citizens for Smart Growth,” with the express purpose of blocking the construction of a Wal-Mart Supercenter in their town. The group may address similar issues in the future, but for the present, their attention is on the fate of the site on U.S. 220, just south of Roanoke’s city limits.

The 203,000-204,000 square-foot Supercenter was approved in late October, with plans to break ground in early 2007 and to open its doors to the public in 2008. Almost immediately, contention rose amidst the community. Those with dislike for Wal-mart’s reputation were quickly swept aside by Hollins District Supervisor Richard Flora, who announced that “if you’re just up here because you don’t like Wal-Mart, you’ve lost me. It’s not our job to tell them whether they can have a Wal-Mart or a shoe store or Home Depot.” Flora additionally deemed the special-use permit operating on the land was appropriate for the store.

But that is precisely the assessment that “Citizens for Smart Growth” hopes to challenge. The more substantial arguments waged against the looming Wal-Mart are its effects on local traffic, and whether or not a big box retailer is truly appropriate for a special-use zone that encourages “smaller commercial enterprises preserving a ‘village’ character.”

Vinton District Supervisor Michael Alitzer and Windsor Hills Supervisor Joe McNamara defended the Wal-Mart’s construction in the face of 6-year old zoning regulations which encourage a commercial footprint of no more than 50,000 square-feet—roughly a quarter of the proposed Supercenter. Wal-Mart’s acceptance of restrictions on height, color, lighting and landscaping is apparently enough to assuage this violation. “The back of this Wal-Mart looks as good as the front of many strip malls we have in Roanoke County today. It all boils down to, is it appropriate for this commercial area. I think it fits the overlay district,” opined McNamara. Alitzer agreed: “To me, the overlay has worked,” he said.

Catawba District Supervisor Butch Church was the lone vote against allowing Wal-Mart to fall under the special-use permit. He criticized of the potential increase in traffic, citing the placement of Clearbrook Elementary School only yards away. “We’ve got a dangerous situation out there on 220, it’s been dangerous for many years, and all this can do is make it worse.” Alitzer countered that “nowhere have I seen from VDOT [Virginia Department of Transportation] … that have they said, ‘you better not do this or you’re going to kill people or have terrible accidents.’ ”

The decision was made, despite the the concerns immediately raised. “Why do we have to screw up the entire area of Clearbrook to get a Wal-Mart?” asked one man, while another woman from the community reasoned, “Shouldn’t safety issues be addressed before it’s passed?” David Willis, who owns the Rockdale Quarries near the approved Wal-Mart site, declared, “It’s totally irresponsible to vote [on the project] until improvements on 220 are made.”

And “Citizens for Smart Growth” now hopes to stall further development by claiming that the decision made by the board on October 24th was based upon insufficient information regarding the traffic patterns. “There was an obligation to have all that information, to know that there will not be an adverse impact” on Clearbrook’s community, explained organizer Pam Berberich. Ideally, if the decision-making process were called into question, it might buy the group enough time to rally the entire community into opposition.

The group, which was formed a week an half ago, had until yesterday to come up with $10,000, the estimated funds required to launch a lawsuit against the Roanoke County Board of Supervisors. An additional $40,000 will be needed to carry out the plans. No further information could be found as to whether or not they succeeded, though I did happen across a petition proposing several measures to protect Clearbrook’s environment.

Thanks to bloggingstocks.com, whose original article, “Virginia citizen group tries to block Wal-Mart store,” pointed this story out.

If Washington-area Smart Growth advocates were serious, they’d want to fix this first
C.P. Zilliacus, American Dream Coalition
Not surprisingly, the American Dream Coalition promotes the idea that those who want to live in the suburbs should be able to. The suburbs of Washington D.C. house no small number of smart growth supporters—but clearly they support high-density neighborhoods for other people, and not for themselves. There is an inherent hypocrisy, the article suggests, in proponents of smart growth who live in the suburbs. C.P. Zilliacus argues this week that it is unfair to expect people to live in urban rather than suburban areas if they have children attending the local public schools. Smart growth, of course, advocates mixed neighborhoods precisely so that a more equitable division of resources will go to area schools, but the argument that the schools need to be improved first in order to make the urban environment an appealing one is fair.

Act Locally: Ten Steps Toward Sustainability — Step 5: Enact Environmentally-Friendly Land Use Laws
Steven Filler, GreenCounsel, New York
GreenCounsel’s list of ten ways in which communities can approach a greater sustainability most recently listed smart growth and related land-use laws as the fifth on its list. The article advocates the use of zoning laws to preserve environmentally sensitive areas, limit the footprint of development, and to provide incentives for developers who build with environmentally-friendly energy and substances.

“Smart Growth?”
Around Natick, Natick, MA
This blog has an ongoing discussion of a proposed smart growth development in Natick; many of the features of smart growth are perceptively analyzed through the lens of of these specific plans. The author of the blog proposes on a number of occasions that the new development may have more to do with tax revenue than community consciousness. In this particular post, the situation in Natick is contrasted with that of the nearby town Weston. Also take a look at the post Smartgrowth from Pulte.

Sprawl–what is it good for?
My Left Nutmeg, Connecticut
Conversely, author ‘commonweal’ suggests that the tax structure in Connecticut is what is responsible for suburban sprawl. Reliance on property tax for municipal expenditures, such as the public education system, creates a pressure to develop all available land for funding. Consequently, land is purposely developed inefficiently so that it will yeild a larger tax revenue. The author puts forth a sharp, suprising analysis of Connecticut’s suburban sprawl, asserting that “far from being the result of a free market system, urban sprawl is the direct consequence of government subsidies, intense corporate lobbying and manipulation through the legalized bribery we call campaign contributions, and stifling zoning regulations that have limited the choices Americans have when it comes to where we live and how we get from place to place.”

Smart Growth is Still Vital
RiteOn.org, St. Charles County, Missouri
RiteOn.org’s “Independent Conservative Voice” assesses the importance of smart growth to constituents and politicians of its local Missourian community. Recent electoral results might suggest that smart growth was of no concern, but a meeting of the County Council proved otherwise. The author notes that politicians have the choice to serve self interests, in which case they will pander to developers and their possible monetary support, or community interests, in which case they will support smart growth, which has a high showing amongst voter concerns. “Self interest on the part of politicians is common and we might even say legitimate in many instances, no question,” the article asserts, “but in this case, in a county where traffic congestion, water pollution problems and inadequate roads are noticeably impacting the quality of life, it makes more sense to set self interest aside and, among other things, take precautions to protect water quality.”

The Los Angeles CityWatch’s recent article, Planning Ahead: Do Developers Wear Black Hats? seeks to uncover the reasons for developers’ frequently negative reputations. Residents’ views of developers often involve tiny horns and pitchforks because the former are concerned with the preservation of the existing community, and they don’t like to see change coming in the form of new development, regardless of whether or not the development is actually part of larger city planning.

But, as author Jon Perica points out, developers are often merely serving the request of another body, be it a mandate from city council to affect a change upon an evolving city, or an outdated zoning code. A developer may be required to create projects that are “consistent” with the existing zoning code, meaning, for example, that more single-family homes are built in low-density zones because those are the only allowable buildings.

However, the real problems stem from the fact that communities do not remain “consistent” but must constantly be adapted to fit with their changing economic and social needs. Developers most often get their black reputations from doing projects that are not consistent with the Community Plan, but Community Plans, in many cases, are significantly outdated. An outdated Community Plan can no longer be depended upon to match the market demands, so developments with variations on the Plan are often submitted and approved. But once some exceptions are, of neccessity, made, the door is open for developments that may be inappropriate for the changing face of the neighborhood.

The article also deliniates the qualities that characterize a sensitive developer. Good developers will:

• meet with the Neighborhood or Community Council far in advance to recieve comments, feedback, and community-oriented suggestions;
• view themselves as a member of the community, with responsibilities for creating new projects that harmonize with the existing framework;
• meet as many of the city planning regulations as possible, and present the fewest Zoning Code violations;
• consider the importance of aesthetics and “quality” features, such as design blend, landscaping, and security measures;
• share information about the planning process with the community, including ways in which residents can involve themselves or contact the developer;
• faithfully implement all the City regulations and conditions on an approved project, and oversee its early use to make certain that it functions as an asset and retains cleanliness.

Perhaps above all, Perica emphasizes the fact that developers will gain a repuation, for good or ill, that will eventually become common knowledge. Consequently, each project must be approached with the same sensitivity and consideration. “A good developer commits her or his reputation on every project they do,” Perica explains, “and the more they follow these guidelines for appropriate quality development, the better their development projects are and the better they will be perceived in the community.”

Though the popular myth of Las Vegas may suggest that the diamond in the desert can continue glittering ever outward and outward, the current reality is quite different. Miles of suburban subdivisions, with the single-family homes that have, until now, served the thousands who move to Las Vegas each year, are hitting barriers on all sides. Mountains, national parks, military bases, a Native American community, and preservation lands for the endangered desert tortoise ring the present borders of the city, checking further outward expansion.

The moment of crisis has not yet come, but it is visible on the horizon. If current growth trends continue, Las Vegas’ 1.8 million residents will be swelled by an additional 1 million within the next decade, for a projected population of 3 million by 2020. Compound this with the building projections, which estimate that available acreage will disappear within the next ten years, and the land catastrophe is complete. Developer Kenneth Smith summed it up: “You hear anywhere from a seven to 10 years supply at our growth rates and the valley’s full.”

Anxiety about the impending land crisis has rocketed prices. Land that would have gone for $40,000 per acre 15 years ago is now selling for over $300,000. Last year, a developer paid $639 million for 2,655 acres at a public land auction. And with the land crunch only looking more serious, developers do not expect the competition for land to ease or for prices to fall. The suburban subdivisions that have been as quintessentially ‘Las Vegas’ as casinos, are now featuring houses built so close together that neighbors could almost exchange a handshake or a plate of cookies through their side windows.

Once Las Vegas hits its capacity, there are a couple of options. The first is to build outside the valley, on the other side of the current confines. Builders plan to extend north and south along Interstate 15; a 42,000-acre Coyote Springs project 50 miles north of the city is now on the drawing board. Still, home buyers looking to barter convenience for an affordable mortgage may have to wait. According to Steve Bottfeld, a senior analyst for Marketing Solutions, the prices for providing utilities and building roads and sewers for the new community “are incredible. Don’t look for it to happen in 10 years.”

But as Las Vegas may run out of land in as little as seven years, city planners must come up with alternative solutions. The result is an influx of smart growth and new urbanism principles appearing in new development plans. Neighborhood designs that promote walking, narrower streets, smaller yards, and mixed-use blends of housing and retail are all cropping up. Plans for housing in high-rises “mid-rises” and townhouses are on the increase, and building plans with a more “urban” feel, such as the placement of the garage in back rather than in front.

These changes result for the ubiquitous sense of urgency for more efficient urban planning, but also through specific zoning changes to promote higher-density neighborhoods in Clark County. “This is the time to be visionary,” said Rory Reid, a Clark County Commissioner. Councilman Michael Mack is separately quoted as asserting that ”There’s no stopping growth. We just need to be smart about it.”

“This isn’t something that’s trickling down, it’s flowing down, top to bottom, fast,” said Bottfeld of Marketing Solutions. “It’s the Manhattanization of Las Vegas.” Developer Smith elaborated on the same topic, noting that residents don’t mind the changes in city structure because most have moved to Las Vegas from elsewhere. “They’ve seen it, they know it, they’re comfortable with it,” he says. “We hear people say, ‘I never thought it would happen here. I’ve been waiting for it.’ ”

Thanks to Steve Harless, who pointed our attention to the USA Today article on his Las Vegas real estate blog.

Read contrasting opinions from Las Vegas natives; Geoff Shumacher supports the use of smart growth principles in Las Vegas, while D. Dowd Muska opposes it.

Housing Choice and Affordability is the American Planning Association’s new ’supertopic’ slated to receive greater consideration over the next couple of years. In an effort to make this ’supertopic’ an issue for planners everywhere, the APA has developed a list of the top ten ways in which planners can support affordable housing. These precepts will help them encourage greater housing choice within their community.

10 Things Planners Can Do to Support Housing Choice and Affordability

1. Demonstrate how the entire community will benefit from affordable housing.

2. Conduct a housing needs assessment and use the results to craft a housing plan that responds to your community’s unique needs.

3. Help preserve existing housing stock. Encourage your community to maintain affordable housing units and replace units lost to redevelopment.

4. Implement development practices, plans, and regulations that result in innovative and diverse housing choices such as cluster housing, single room occupancy developments, mixed-income housing and accessory dwelling units.

5. Encourage universal design by enforcing federal and state accessibility requirements and adopting visitability codes for all single and multi-family residential construction.

6. Tell your elected leaders that you support the establishment of a National Housing Trust Fund to produce, rehabilitate, and preserve housing units.

7. Incorporate energy efficiency goals and green building standards in guidelines that impact the design and construction all residential development, including affordable housing.

8. Support the reauthorization of federal housing resources such as Community Development Block Grants (CDBG), Housing Choice Vouchers, and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Continuum of Care Homeless Assistance Programs.

9. Share examples of affordable housing projects that are high-quality, attractive, and maintain community character.

10. Learn more about the impact of housing on schools, employment, and transportation in order to craft comprehensive policies the respond to interconnectedness of planning.

Can Urban Planning Cure Obesity?

With 43 percent of school children in New York City classified as overweight or obese, the City’s Health Department is desperately seeking solutions for a health issue that is no less than an epidemic.

The solution to any problem develops through an understanding of the cause, and common knowledge dictates that the primary causes of weight problems are a poor diet and lack of exercise. In response to the dietary problems pervasive in modern American culture, the Health Department has begun regulating the use of trans fats in restaurant and fast food menus, and targeting neighborhoods with especially high obesity rates for the promotion of healthy food vendors.

But a plan for providing the average city dweller more exercise is more difficult to implement. The Health Department has begun examining the option of promoting greater mobility through urban planning and building codes. After all, zoning and building codes were orginally created in part to control the contagious diseases that festered and spread quickly in a city’s crowded tenements. But is a non-contagious epidemic like obesity, or like asthma, another common ailment among urban youth, controllable through urban planning?

Eva Hanhardt, coordinator the Pratt Institute’s Environmental Planning Masters Program, explains that zoning and land use are responsible for a community’s “general health, safety and welfare.” Her current study on reinstituting helath concerns into urban planning was born when she began wondering why “health doesn’t the same attention as safety and welfare.” She notes that “By neglecting to incorporate public health in the design of land use and zoning policies, these policies have been part of the problem, not part of the solution.”

But what can zoning policies do? To address the ‘poor diet’ half of the problem, they could restrict the amount of unhealthy or fast food outlets within certain neighborhoods, such as those near schools. These restrictions would have precedent in the Zoning Resolution that prohibits sex shops in specific areas.

But in order to promote greater physical activity in children (and also in adults), urban planners need to focus on providing open park space for recreation. New York City claims on of the lowest amounts of park acreage per capita in the United States. The concerns and resources of Parks Department are continually subjugated by other civic needs, and the few parks and playgrounds often disappear to make way for parking or building development. An increase on the minimum requirements for open space would furnish a stage for physical recreation, while more restrictions on environmental risks within neighborhoods would render the outdoor room a more pleasant option.

But perhaps most importantly, increasing attention to the tenets of smart growth and new urbanism can revitalize a community’s health by promoting physical activity in a number of ways. A study at Saint Louis University, almost halfway across the country from New York, was asking the same questions as the Health Department of the nation’s largest city. They found that activity-oriented neighborhoods are the key to improving public health. Dr. Laura Brennan Ramirez of Saint Louis University’s School of Public Health explained that there are a “range of different influences that [get] people engaging in physical activity not just for recreation but as part of their everyday life.”

The Saint Louis University study sifted the attributes and habits of activity-friendly communities into a list of the top factors that promote mobility. Many of the suggestions are aimed towards lessening the dependence on automobiles. “The number of hours we spend in our car everyday detracts from our physical, social and mental health,” explained Dr. Brennan Ramirez. “People are increasingly becoming aware of it. Our dependence on the car is overwhelming.”

The first reccomendation deals with Land Use. Mixed-use neighborhoods with commercial and residential buildings alongside one another encourage walking. The study also showed that crosswalks, sidewalks and hiking and biking trails do promote walking and bike activity. A usable mass transit system provides a Transporation alternative that includes more physical activity.

After all, people are more likely to use the same transportation that they witness their neighbors using, a factor that the SLU study dubs ‘Travel Patterns.’ Advertising and media Promotions can also draw the public eye towards the importance of physical activity, and recreation and mass transit possibilities in their own neighborhood.

Aesthetics also play a much larger role than is generally acknowledged. Residents will be overwhelmingly more likely to walk in neighborhoods with pleasant architecture, trees, parks, or other monuments and historic attractions. It is neccessary for a city to recognize the need for attractive avenues, park and recreation facilities, and bike and pedestrian lanes, by Public Policies that redistribute funds from items that perpetuate unhealthy lifestyles, such as highways. Incentives for Institutional and Organizational Policies promote the creation of physical activity centers and gyms in schools and in the workplace.

An additional study by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health confirms the theory that neighborhood renovation and reorganization may curb our nation’s problems with weight. Dr. Thomas Glass and his colleagues found that those living in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods are far more likely to be overweight. The nationwide obesity rate is at an unsettling 38 percent, with variations apparently responding to the danger of the neighborhood: the least hazardous neighborhoods showed a 27% obesity rate, while the most hazardous neighborhoods have a population that is 53% obese.

Dr. Glass explained that “the risk is not something that can be explained away by personal variables such as dietary intake, tobacco use and household wealth.” The most ‘hazardous’ neighborhoods are not necessarily the most impoverished ones, and little connection was found between income level and obesity rate, once individual risk factors of diet and exercise were eliminated from consideration. Instead, high obesity rates correspond to neighborhoods with high incidences of crime, neglected buildings, businesses and streets, and community disorder.

What this suggests is that a healthy community creates healthy individuals, whether obesity in these situations is caused simply by stress, or a hampered mobility due to fear. The implication is also that the problem is more than simply a personal, case-by-case problem of diet and exercise. “It may be that there are major things going on in our communities that play a bigger role in the obesity problem than simply the fact that people are not eating right and exercising,” declared Glass. “This is an environmental epidemic and it’s going to require environmental solutions.”

Read some thoughts on the connection between urban planning and public health at Rebuilding Place in the Urban Space, an excellent blog by Richard Layman, a self-described “historic preservation and urban revitalization advocate and consultant.”

Though the rise of the suburbs in the last half of the 20th century is rooted in various cultural shifts, the creation of middle-class suburban communities may have as much to do with the building practice of new development as with the issue of personal choice. In the nation’s largest cities, new housing developments are most frequently luxury apartments for the very wealthy; meanwhile, the social concern with providing enough affordable housing has increased pressure to create homes for low-income families. What’s left out of the cities? Middle-income housing.

Karrie Jacobs of Metropolis Magazine became aware of how this problem in her native New York. “Middle-income neighborhoods are disappearing from cities,” she writes, “and in New York they’re being squeezed to the very edge.”

The issue first grabbed her attention several months ago at a panel discussing a new development of townhouses in downtown Brooklyn—not, historically, a ritzy neighborhood. But the new homes are marketed at over $2 million. The plans included a 217-apartment complex to serve artists and low-income individuals, but nothing for those who fall somewhere in between.

Even more unsettling, when Jacobs queried the panel about housing for middle-income families, another developer pointed out that in New York’s real estate market, the $2-plus million homes actually represent the middle. In June, a study by the Brookings Institution showed that in 1970, middle-income neighborhoods accounted for 58% of the urban cityscape, versus 41% today. The fact that families of a given income will tend to live surrounded by families of a similar income is hardly news, but it is worthy of attention; the Brookings Institution argues that the existence of integrated middle-class neighborhoods is crucial to a community’s sense of upward mobility.

The findings of the report are echoed in specific examples. Stuyvesant Town and Peter Cooper Village, built for veterans after WWII, have long been middle-class islands in the sea of Manhattan, but Metropolitan Life is vying to sell them off. The future seems clear: a new developer will most likely replace the 11,250 middle-income apartments with luxury condominiums, and no one, most likely, will replace the middle-income housing that is lost.

In an effort to do some investigation, Jacobs visited the Brooklyn Navy Yard, now occupied by a company called Capsys, who specializes in the construction of prefabricated houses. The houses are intended for a new community being established at the far edge of East New York. The neighborhood, known at one time for its high murder rate, will now become a development of middle-income homes called Spring Creek.

The new houses attracted her eye because the architect, Alexander Gorlin, presented his plans at the same panel that featured the $2 million townhouses in Brooklyn. Gorlin’s designs have focused on giving the townhouses “a more sophisticated look,” and have been viewed as an upgrade for the neighborhood. The houses, mostly two-story, 1,600-square-foot three-bedroom homes, will be sold by lottery, as the 637 available houses have already received roughly 12,000 requests. Though the median household income in New York City was $39,937 (versus $43,318 nationwide), the maximum income to be considered for the new housing development is 85,080 for a two-person household and $99,000 for a three-person household. At $204,000 with a $46,000 subsidy from the city, the new houses represent a possibility for middle-income families, if still slightly above average.

“I consider it a moderate-income development, between low and middle,” explained Ronald Waters, Nehemia Development Corporation’s general manager and director, the company responsible for the mixed-use affordable housing initiative. “It’s for people climbing out of the low-income level.” Precisely the kind of housing that the Brookings Institution said society—not just the middle-class—needs.

Read excellent descriptions and knowledgeable analysis of Alexander Gorlin’s new Spring Creek houses at both Architecture News (Well-Known Architect Breaks Ground on Phase One for Affordable Housing Development) and Miss Representation (Housing for the Rest of Us).

Now, back to Smart Growth
Kevin Kronk, Community Voice, Daytona, Florida
Mr. Kronk counters opponents of suburban development by noting how important growth is for the local economy. If growth were halted or severely checked, the economic infrastructure of the region would collapse. “Healthy growth is not a bad thing,” he points out. “The problem is the lack of planning for growth.”

Smart Growth in Somerville
William C. Shelton, The Somerville News, Somerville, Massachusetts
A hot discussion between businessmen and residents follows Shelton’s piece advocating smart growth. He examines the 20th century’s shift to suburban rather than urban development from the Somerville perspective, citing the Somerville of his forefathers as a prime example of smart growth principles.

Smart Growth is Not Green
Peter Cresswell, Not PC
Cresswell asserts that smart growth is, quite simply, not the solution its proponents believe it to be. He quotes another article which states that the amount of land consumed by urban sprawl is a small percentage of the land mass required to support human habitation, and consequently the form of the urban environment is irrelevant to sustainability. Furthermore, he deplores the segregation of rural and urban areas that high-density plans encourage, arguing that smart growth only drives up prices, destroys the growth of the economy, and adds to air pollution.

What the Roy/Brewer Run-Off Teaches Us About Alexandria
Lamar White, Jr., CenLamar, Alexandria, Lousiana
The recent election has inspired the author to contemplate the implications of the public’s choice, just as this local example is resonates with a nationwide situation. Alexandria, says Mr. White, is a prime example of suburban sprawl, as the town has tripled in size while the population remains constant—a problem that could be partially solved by annexing the surrounding neighborhoods that currently remain outside of the city’s zoning laws and tax liability.

Dense Thinkers
Randal O’Toole, Corruption in Surfside Florida?
Though currently teaching economics at Yale University, Randal O’Toole’s roots in Oak Grove, Oregon, have led him to ponder smart growth through the model of Portland, Oregon. In his comprehensive, articulate article, he systematically lays out the problems he foresees for Portland’s current smart growth plan. His detailed, precise predictions for the failure of smart growth and new urbanism have heated up a discussion that is nearly as exhaustive.

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) recognized cities and states whose urban development has emphasized coalescing communities and safeguarding the environment. Their 2006 National Award for Smart Growth went to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and the cities of Chicago, Illinois, Wichita, Kansas and Winooski, Vermont.

The Commonwealth of Massachusetts won the award for “Overall Excellence.” The state’s creation of the Office of Commonwealth Development (OCD) garnered it this recognition. The OCD influences development locations through management of developmental policies and spending, in addition to instituting programs to promote innovative development and simplify private investments in worthy projects.

The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania won the “Policies and Regulations” award for the Pennsylvania Fresh Foods Financing Initiative (FFFI), which provides funding to help supermarkets set up stores in underserved neighborhoods. This provides a healthy, local food source to needy communities, consequently increasing the attractiveness of the area and fostering further development. It also provides incentives against the continued development of supermarkets in low-density areas.

The “Built Projects” recognition went to the city of Wichita, Kansas, for the redevelopment of brownfield land. An abandoned warehouse district was redeveloped and renovated into a pedestrian-oriented neighborhood now called “Old Town;” 100 businesses and 315 housing units are now tucked within the brick warehouses, which date from 1870 to 1930. The city encouraged private investment via its own use of public funds, rejuvenating the entire area with brick sidewalks and antique lampposts.

The city of Winooski, Vermont also revitalized its downtown area using smart growth precepts, winning the “Small Communities” award as a result. The renovated city center incorporates housing, offices, stores, and several new public parks. The street grid obliterated in the 1970s was restored, with larger sidewalks. The new RiverWalk, providing a boulevard along the Winooski River, also promotes the new pedestrian nature of the center.

Finally, for “Equitable Development,” the city of Chicago was recognized for the “green” development of Bethel Center in the flagging West Garfield Park neighborhood. The Center, built upon a former brownfield site, contains child care facilities, employment services, retail space, banking, a technology center, and, most importantly, an anchor for transit-oriented development in the neighborhood.

The awards were presented by Lyons Gray, the Chief Financial Officer of the EPA. EPA Administrator Stephen L. Johnson said of the ceremony, “It is a pleasure to recognize the innovative efforts of these award-winning communities, who are responsibly building toward a healthier, brighter future.”

Whatever the urban planning method implemented, it is generally related to the type of land for the prospective development. Urban renewal is the redevelopment or renovation of run-down areas in the center of an urban environment. The methods and results vary widely, occasionally revitalizing a neighborhood, or occasionally destroying the unique character of a place, consequently leading to a mixed assessment of its utility. All, however, include the restructuring of a pre-existing urban environment into an altered urban environment.

Suburban infill, meanwhile, is the process of developing land between existing suburban areas and the urban center left open during initial development. Smart growth and new urbanist principles are often applied in these cases, because infill increases the density of the larger metropolitan area.

However, when an entire city or town is planned prior to the existence of a substantial settlement, it is called a new town, planned community, or planned city. The city is then built and developed with basic adherence to the plans. Many cities built for the purposes of being capitals, such as Washington, D.C., Canberra in Australia, Brasilia in Brazil and Islamabad in Pakistan, fall under this category.

The United States sports a much larger percentage of planned cities than the European countries their planners’ ancestors inhabited. A number of cities were carved out of the wilds to serve as state seats, such as Columbus, Ohio, Indianapolis, Indiana, Madison, Wisconsin, Salt Lake City, Utah, Austin, Texas, Tallahassee, Florida, and Raleigh, North Carolina. Many historic American cities are also planned cities, such as Philadelphia, Williamsburg, and Annapolis. New Haven, Connecticut, is frequently acknowledged as the first planned city.